Navajo Silversmiths Second Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, 1880-1881, Government Printing Office — Story, Setting & Ideas

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Matthews, Washington, 1843-1905 Project Gutenberg 2005 Not confirmed
Navajo art; Silverwork Readers of public-domain and historical texts
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Words 7,531
Reading time 33 min
Text sections 1

The source record for Navajo Silversmiths Second Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, 1880-1881, Government Printing Office — Story, Setting & Ideas measures this digital text at 7,531 words, 33 min estimated reading time, and 1 detected text section.

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Washington Matthews's 1883 report on Navajo silversmiths details their tools, techniques, and designs, based on direct observation. It examines the debate over the art's origins and notes improvements from trade tools, while describing specific processes like bead-making and the symbolic meaning of the cross.
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Produced by Verity White, PM for Bureau of American Ethnology and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by the Bibliothèque nationale de France (BnF/Gallica) at http://gallica.bnf.fr)

SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION--BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY.

Dr. WASHINGTON MATTHEWS, U.S.A.

PLATE XVI. Objects in silver 172 XVII. Navajo workshop 175 XVIII. Crucible, and Sandstone molds for shaping silver objects 175 XIX. Objects in silver 177 XX. Navajo Indian with silver ornaments 178

BY WASHINGTON MATTHEWS.

Among the Navajo Indians there are many smiths, who sometimes forge iron and brass, but who work chiefly in silver. When and how the art of working metals was introduced among them I have not been able to determine; but there are many reasons for supposing that they have long possessed it; many believe that they are not indebted to the Europeans for it. Doubtless the tools obtained from American and Mexican traders have influenced their art. Old white residents of the Navajo country tell me that the art has improved greatly within their recollection; that the ornaments made fifteen years ago do not compare favorably with those made at the present time; and they attribute this change largely to the recent introduction of fine files and emery-paper. At the time of the Conquest the so-called civilized tribes of Mexico had attained considerable skill in the working of metal, and it has been inferred that in the same period the sedentary tribes of New Mexico also wrought at the forge. From either of these sources the first smiths among the Navajos may have learned their trade; but those who have seen the beautiful gold ornaments made by the rude Indians of British Columbia and Alaska, many of whom are allied in language to the Navajos, may doubt that the latter derived their art from a people higher in culture than themselves.

The appliances and processes of the smith are much the same among the Navajos as among the Pueblo Indians. But the Pueblo artisan, living in a spacious house, builds a permanent forge on a frame at such a height that he can work standing, while his less fortunate Navajo _confrère_, dwelling in a low hut or shelter, which he may abandon any day, constructs a temporary forge on the ground in the manner hereafter described. Notwithstanding the greater disadvantages under which the latter labors, the ornaments made by his hand are generally conceded to be equal or even superior to those made by the Pueblo Indian.

A large majority of these savage smiths make only such simple articles as buttons, rosettes, and bracelets; those who make the more elaborate articles, such as powder-chargers, round beads (Pl. XVI), tobacco cases, belts, and bridle ornaments are few. Tobacco cases, made in the shape of an army canteen, such as that represented in Fig. 6, are made by only three or four men in the tribe, and the design is of very recent origin.

Their tools and materials are few and simple; and rude as the results of their labor may appear, it is surprising that they do so well with such imperfect appliances, which usually consist of the following articles: A forge, a bellows, an anvil, crucibles, molds, tongs, scissors, pliers, files, awls, cold-chisels, matrix and die for molding buttons, wooden implement used in grinding buttons, wooden stake, basin, charcoal, tools and materials for soldering (blow-pipe, braid of cotton rags soaked in grease, wire, and borax), materials for polishing (sand-paper, emery-paper, powdered sandstone, sand, ashes, and solid stone), and materials for whitening (a native mineral substance--almogen--salt and water). Fig. 1, taken from a photograph, represents the complete shop of a silversmith, which was set up temporarily in a summer lodge or _hogan_, near Fort Wingate. Fragments of boards, picked up around the fort, were used, in part, in the construction of the _hogan_, an old raisin-box was made to serve as the curb or frame of the forge, and these things detracted somewhat from the aboriginal aspect of the place.

Washington Matthews's 1883 report on Navajo silversmiths, published in the Bureau of Ethnology's second annual report, offers a detailed, firsthand account of metalworking practices among the Navajo. Matthews, a U.S. Army surgeon and ethnologist, describes tools, techniques, and the debate over whether the art predates European contact. He notes that older white residents recall improvements in craftsmanship over the previous fifteen years, attributed to the introduction of fine files and emery-paper.

The report focuses on the smiths' working conditions, materials, and specific objects such as buttons, bracelets, powder-chargers, and bridle ornaments. Matthews provides precise observations on processes like annealing, soldering, and the use of makeshift tools, including scissors as compasses. He also discusses the symbolic meaning of the cross, which he understands to represent the morning star rather than a Christian emblem.

Tools and Working Conditions

Matthews contrasts the Navajo smith's temporary forge, built on the ground in a low hut, with the permanent forge of Pueblo Indians, who work standing in spacious houses. Despite these disadvantages, he states that Navajo ornaments are generally considered equal or superior to Pueblo work. The smiths use few and simple tools: a stone anvil, hammers, tongs, files, and emery-paper. They lack dividers, squares, or measuring instruments, relying on the eye to find centers and cut shapes. Matthews observes that they often use scissors as compasses, a makeshift approach that underscores their resourcefulness.

The report notes significant material waste: in one article, 120 grains of silver were lost out of 836, a 14 percent loss from filing, polishing, and oxidation. Clippings are saved and remelted, but the metal carried off in dust is not recovered. This inefficiency contrasts with the skill displayed in the final products.

Techniques for Making Hollow Beads

Matthews provides a detailed step-by-step account of how Navajo smiths create hollow silver beads. They begin by beating a Mexican dollar to the required thinness, annealing it frequently. A disk is then cut using a pattern traced with an awl, and the planchets are formed into hemispheres using a matrix and die, working gradually through larger cavities. The edges are leveled, and a hole is made by driving a file shank through the convex surface, leaving a projecting neck.

The hemispheres are strung on a stout wire in pairs, secured with finer wire, and the seams are coated with a mixture of borax, saliva, and silver. All beads are soldered at once in the forge, then finished by filing, polishing, and blanching. This method, requiring about two and a half hours for filing and rubbing, demonstrates a systematic, collaborative process that maximizes efficiency despite limited tools.

Design and Symbolism

Matthews emphasizes the Navajo smiths' fertility in design, noting that powder-chargers are all graceful but no two alike unless specially ordered. Bracelets and rings show great variety. Bridle ornaments, consisting of broad silver bands that nearly conceal the leather, are popular but not particularly handsome in his view. Leather belts studded with large silver plates are favorite items, often containing metal worth forty to fifty dollars.

The cross is a common motif, worn on necklaces. Matthews reports that it is not intended as a Christian symbol but represents the morning star, though the lengthened lower limb may be copied from Christian crosses. He also notes the smiths' ingenuity in working from models and drawings of unfamiliar objects, indicating adaptability and openness to new influences.

Matthews's report is valuable for its concrete, observational detail, avoiding broad generalizations. Readers should note that the excerpts cover only the first part of the work; later sections may include additional illustrations and descriptions. The text's strength lies in its specific accounts of technique and material culture, grounded in the author's direct engagement with the smiths and their work. It serves as a primary source for understanding late 19th-century Navajo silverwork.

I keep thinking about Matthews watching silversmiths turn raw coin into patterned crosses, patient and unhurried, and it reminds me of leafing through The "Switzerland of America": Lehigh Valley Railroad — Story, Setting & Ideas years ago—another record of people shaping a landscape to their hands. Both feel like whispers from a vanished afternoon, where the work itself was the quiet point.

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