The Mystery of Mary Stuart — Reading Notes
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The Mystery of Mary Stuart — Reading Notes can be approached with a clearer sense of reading commitment from its source measurements: 126,771 words, 9 hr 12 min estimated reading time, and 17 detected text sections.
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Justice Clerk. The version of his confession put in at the Westminster Conference, December 1568, will be found in Anderson, ii. 183-188, and in Laing, ii. 256-259. The MS. is in Cotton Caligula, C.I. fol. 325. It is attested as a ‘true copy’ by Bellenden. But if we follow the Cambridge MS. it is _not_ a true copy. A long passage, following ‘and lay down with him,’ at the end, is omitted. That passage I now cite:
‘Farther this deponar sayis that he inquirit at my lord quhat securitie he had for it quhilk wes done, because their wes sic ane brute and murmo{r} in the toun And my lord ansuerit that diuerse noblemen had subscrivit the deid with him And schew the same band[2] to the deponar, quhairat wes the subscriptionis of the erles of huntlie, ergile, boithuile altogether, and the secretares subscriptioun far beneth the rest. And insafar as the deponar remembers this was the effect of it, it contenit sum friuose [frivolous?] and licht caussis aganis the king sic as hys behavio{r} contrar the quene, quhilk band wes in ane of twa silver cofferis and wes in dunbar, and the deponar saw the same there the tyme that they wer thare after the quenis revissing And understandis that the band wes with the remanent letters, and putt in the castell be george dalgleis. Inquirit quha deuisit that the king suld ludge at the kirk of feild?
‘Answeris S{r} James balfo{r} can better tell nor he And knew better and befoir the deponer yof. And quhen the Quene wes in glasgow my lord Boithuile send the deponar to S{r} James balfo{r} desiring that he wald cum and meit my lord at the kirk of feild To quhome Schir James ansuerit, “will my lord cum thair? gif he cum it wer gude he war quiet.” And yit they met not at that place than nor at natyme thairefter to the deponers knawledge.
‘Thair wes xiiii keyis quhilkis this deponer efter the murtho{r} keist in the grevvell hoill [? quarrel-hoill, _i.e._ quarry hole] betuix the abbay and leith. And towardes the makers of the keyis they were maid betuix Leuestoun and S{r} James balfo{r} and thai twa can tell. Item deponis that Ilk ane that wer of the band and siclike the erle of Morton and Sy{r} James balfo{r} suld haif send twa men to the committing of the murther. And the erle boithuile declarit to the deponar are nyt or twa afore the murtho{r} falland in talking of thame that wer in the kingis chalmer My lord said that Sandy Durham wes ane gude fallowe and he wald wische that he weir out of the same.
‘This is the trew copy, etc.’
Perhaps few will argue that this passage has been fraudulently inserted in the Cambridge MS. If not, Bellenden lied when he attested the mutilated deposition to be a true copy. His own autograph signature attests the Cambridge copy. Moray, who heard Bowton make his deposition, was a partner to the fraud. The portion of the evidence burked by Moray is corroborated, as regards the signatures of the band for Darnley’s murder, by Ormistoun, much later (Dec. 13, 1573) in Laing, ii. 293. Ormistoun, however, probably by an error of memory, says that he saw what Bothwell affirmed to be the signature of Sir James Balfour, in addition to those spoken of by Bowton, namely Argyll, Bothwell, Huntly, and Lethington. This statement as to Balfour Bowton withdrew in his dying confession as published. Bowton’s remark that Lethington’s signature came ‘far beneath the rest’ sounds true. Space would be left above for the signatures of men of higher rank than the secretary.
Bowton saw the band at Dunbar (April-May, 1567, during Mary’s detention there), ‘in one of two silver coffers.’ He only ‘understands’ that the band was ‘with the remanent letters, and put in the Castle by George Dalgleish.’ If ‘the remanent letters’ are the Casket Letters, and if Bowton, at Dunbar, had seen them with the band, and read them, his evidence would have been valuable as to the Letters. But as things are, we have merely his opinion, or ‘understanding,’ that certain letters were kept with the band, as Drury, we know, asserted that it was in the Casket with the other papers, and was destroyed, while the Letters attributed to Mary ‘were kept to be shown.’ Of course, if this be true, Morton lied when he said that the contents of the Casket had neither been added to nor diminished.
Andrew Lang opens The Mystery of Mary Stuart not with a biography but with a puzzle: the site of Darnley’s house, Kirk o’ Field, and a contemporary chart that reverses east and west. This attention to a single map—its errors, its mirror-image correction—sets the tone for a work that treats historical documents as material objects, subject to misreading, forgery, and physical decay. Lang’s preface confesses to misdated Arabic numerals and a misplaced passage, framing the book as a revision, not a definitive account.
The excerpts show a narrative that shuttles between London, Bolton, and York, following the movements of commissioners and letters. Lang’s method is to track who said what, when, and to whom, often noting the gaps in the record—a half-obliterated word, a boast that may be bluff. The result is a study less of Mary herself than of the machinery of accusation.
The Chart and the Town Wall
Lang’s preface dwells on a single illustration: the chart of 1567 showing Kirk o’ Field. He notes that the drawing reverses east and west, and that a town wall appears—running south to north—of which no other record exists. Hamilton House, known to be west of Kirk o’ Field, is placed east if the chart is reversed. Lang cites Mr. A. H. Millar’s suggestion that the chart was drawn in reverse for an engraving, and that reflecting it in a mirror resolves some errors. Yet difficulties remain: the wall, the misplaced house. This is not a footnote; it is a microcosm of Lang’s approach. He treats the chart as a piece of evidence that must be read against other sources, its distortions revealing the limits of visual testimony. The reader is invited to see how a single document can generate multiple interpretations, none fully satisfactory.
The York Conference as a Contest of Timing
Lang’s account of the York Conference (October 1568) is structured around arrivals, delays, and secret messages. Mary’s commissioners arrive on October 4, but their instructions are too limited. Moray and the Lords come in on Sunday, followed an hour later by the English negotiators. Lang notes the precise sequence: Herries declares he will not say all he knows; Lethington boasts of what ‘they could an’ they would’; Moray sends Melville to Bolton with a compromise offer. The narrative moves from day to day, tracking who met whom and when. Lang emphasizes the tactical use of time—Lethington’s game is to threaten disclosure unofficially, to frighten Mary into silence, while secretly working with Norfolk. The conference becomes a series of moves and countermoves, each delay or advance altering the balance of accusation and defense.
The Casket Letters as Inferred Objects
Lang never reproduces the Casket Letters at length, but he treats them as a presence that shapes the narrative. He refers to ‘the hypothetical forged letter’ and notes that its existence ‘is, of course, an inference on which readers must form their own opinion.’ In the York proceedings, the letters are threatened but not fully shown; Lethington wants to use them as leverage, not as proof. Lang’s language is careful: he speaks of ‘the tale of the guilt of Mary, which they revealed’ and of Norfolk being allowed to see the letters yet ‘induced to overlook or discredit’ them. The letters are never stable evidence—they are objects of negotiation, their meaning dependent on who sees them and when. Lang’s interest lies in how the letters function as a tool of accusation, not in their authenticity.
Recurring Motifs: Bluff, Compromise, and the Half-Obscured Word
Throughout the excerpts, Lang returns to the language of uncertainty. Lethington is ‘bluffing’; Moray’s proposal is ‘as if the suggestion were an unofficial suggestion of his own’; a word in Melville’s account is ‘part obliterated.’ The narrative is punctuated by conditional phrases: ‘if we believe Melville,’ ‘on any theory,’ ‘probably.’ Lang’s own revisions—correcting misreadings, modifying phrases—mirror the provisional nature of the evidence he examines. The reader is never allowed to settle into certainty. Instead, the book offers a series of documents and testimonies, each with its own gaps and contradictions. The mystery of Mary Stuart, for Lang, is not a crime to be solved but a record to be read with suspicion.
Lang’s study rewards a reader willing to follow the movement of letters and commissioners across England and Scotland, and to attend to the physical details of maps and manuscripts. The book does not resolve the mystery; it deepens it by showing how evidence is shaped by the circumstances of its production. Readers may find it useful to keep a timeline of the York Conference at hand, and to note where Lang flags a document as lost, illegible, or ambiguous.
The rain kept up its quiet argument with the window as I traced Mary’s movements across Kirk o’ Field, Lang’s forensic patience turning each map into a small confession. Later, flipping through his sources, I stumbled on the Garter’s ceremonial rolls—ribbons and oaths, another kind of evidence. Some afternoons simply hand you The History of the Most Noble Order of the Garter — Edition Insights, and the rain approves.
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