Art — Edition Insights
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ly escape for the Roman citizen from the Roman Empire. Yet, while in the West Hadrian was raising the Imperial talent for brutalisation to a system and a science, somewhere in the East, in Egypt, or in Asia Minor, or, more probably in Syria, in Mesopotamia, or even Persia, the new leaven was at work. That power which was to free the world was in ferment. The religious spirit was again coming to birth. Here and there, in face of the flat contradiction of circumstances, one would arise and assert that man does not live by bread alone. Orphism, Mythraism, Christianity, many forms of one spirit, were beginning to mean something more than curious ritual and discreet debauch. Very slowly a change was coming over the face of Europe.
There was change before the signs of it became apparent. The earliest Christian paintings in the catacombs are purely classical. If the early Christians felt anything new they could not express it. But before the second century was out Coptic craftsmen had begun to weave into dead Roman designs something vital. The academic patterns are queerly distorted and flattened out into forms of a certain significance, as we can feel for ourselves if we go to the textile room at South Kensington. Certainly, these second century Coptic textiles are more like works of art than anything that had been produced in the Roman Empire for more than four hundred years. Egyptian paintings of the third century bear less positive witness to the fumblings of a new spirit. But at the beginning of the fourth century Diocletian built his palace at Spalato, where we have all learned to see classicism and the new spirit from the East fighting it out side by side; and, if we may trust Strzygowski, from the end of that century dates the beautiful church of Kodja-Kalessi in Isauria. The century in which the East finally dominated the West (350-450) is a period of incubation. It is a time of disconcerting activity that precedes the unmistakable launch of art upon the Christian slope. I would confidently assert that every artistic birth is preceded by a period of uneasy gestation in which the unborn child acquires the organs and energy that are to carry it forward on its long journey, if only I possessed the data that would give a tottering support to so comforting a generalisation. Alas! the births of the great slopes of antiquity are shrouded in a night scarcely ruffled by the minute researches of patient archaeologists and impervious to the startling discoveries by experts of more or less palpable forgeries. Of these critical periods we dare not speak confidently; nevertheless we can compare the fifth century with the nineteenth and draw our own conclusions.
Clive Bell opens his 1914 treatise Art with a bold claim: he will develop 'a complete theory of visual art' that explains why we call a Persian carpet or a fresco by Piero della Francesca a work of art, while dismissing a portrait-bust of Hadrian or a popular problem-picture as rubbish. The tone is confident, even combative, and the argument proceeds by assertion rather than patient demonstration. Bell's key term—'significant form'—is meant to isolate what is essential in art, but his method of applying it reveals as much about his own tastes as about the objects he judges.
The Rhetoric of Certainty
Bell writes with a magisterial assurance that brooks little dissent. His preface declares that his hypothesis 'seems to explain what we know to be true'—a circular appeal that disguises the speculative nature of his enterprise. He speaks of giving 'intellectual backing to an almost universal and immemorial conviction,' as if his theory merely confirms what everyone already feels. This rhetorical strategy allows Bell to present personal aesthetic preferences as objective truths. When he dismisses Gothic architecture of the late Middle Ages as 'a thing made to order,' or praises Uccello's 'passionate' apprehension of form, he offers no evidence beyond his own conviction. The reader is invited to share his enthusiasm or contempt, but not to question the criteria on which they rest.
Categorical Judgments and Their Limits
Bell's argument proceeds by sharp dichotomies: art versus non-art, creation versus imitation, emotion versus intellect. He asserts that 'all true creation was dead long before' the sixteenth century in architecture, and that painting outside Italy after 1250 is best left unmentioned. These sweeping dismissals are characteristic of Bell's method, but they also expose the fragility of his theory. If 'significant form' is the sole criterion of artistic value, then why should an entire period or region be condemned wholesale? Bell's historical narrative is driven by his need to illustrate a decline from a golden age of pure form to an era of 'science and culture' and 'connoisseurship.' Yet the excerpts show that his judgments are often based on taste rather than analysis: he calls Limoges enamels 'damned' and Gothic buildings 'nauseous,' terms that reveal more about his sensibility than about the objects themselves.
The Role of Emotion and Intellect
Bell insists that art is a matter of emotion, not intellect. He praises the 'disinterested adoration of perspective' that enabled Uccello and Mantegna to 'apprehend form passionately,' and laments that by 1500 'intellect is filling the void left by emotion.' Yet his own argument is highly intellectual, relying on abstract reasoning and historical generalization. He acknowledges that 'the artist must have something to get into a passion about,' but his theory offers little guidance on what that something might be, beyond the formal qualities of the work itself. The tension between Bell's anti-intellectual rhetoric and his own analytical practice is one of the most interesting features of the text. Readers may wonder whether his dismissal of 'science and culture' is itself a form of intellectual posturing, and whether the 'pure inhuman emotion' he seeks is ever truly attainable.
Bell's Use of Historical Evidence
Bell's history of art is a tool for his theory, not an end in itself. He moves from palaeolithic days to the Renaissance in a few pages, selecting examples that support his narrative of decline and occasional revival. His treatment of Byzantine influence, the 'spiritual bankruptcy' of thirteenth-century Europe, and the rise of 'archaeology and connoisseurship' is suggestive but schematic. He does not engage with alternative interpretations or acknowledge the complexity of artistic production. For instance, his claim that 'Gothic architecture becomes something so nauseous that one can only rejoice when... Europe settles down quietly to imitate classical models' is a provocative opinion, not a historical argument. Readers should treat Bell's historical claims as hypotheses to be tested against other sources, rather than as established facts.
Bell's Art is a work of advocacy, not scholarship. Its value lies less in its historical accuracy or theoretical coherence than in the clarity and passion with which it articulates a particular aesthetic vision. Readers interested in the development of modernist criticism will find here a key document, one that influenced generations of writers and artists. But those seeking a balanced account of art history should look elsewhere. Approach Bell's text as a performance: enjoy its rhetorical flair, but keep a skeptical eye on its sweeping claims.
Rereading Art — Edition Insights, I kept thinking about how Bell’s certainty about form feels so different from the patient, almost wandering lectures on engraving in Ariadne Florentina: Six Lectures on Wood and Metal Engraving — Edition Insights. Their voices are opposites—one insists, one ponders—yet both seem to be circling that same quiet question of what makes a line feel necessary.
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